50 years of Federal Army instead of Peace: Disastrous balance sheet of Red-Green
Extension of the German participation in intervention troops by EU and NATO
Article: 06/2005, in the journal Friedensforum
By Martin Hantke and Tobias Pflüger
“Following Art 87 Basic Law the Federation sets up troops for purposes of defence. Defence nowadays comprises more than the traditional defence at the country boarders against a conventional war”, it says in the Defence Political Guidelines of 2003. Precisely as far as the sending of German troops abroad and the participation in wars is concerned, the balance sheet of 7 years of Red-Green government is devastating. In the beginning of their term in office, Federal Chancellor Schröder and Foreign Minister Fisher provided for the German participation in the NATO war against Yugoslavia in violation of international law that killed more than 2000 Yugoslav civilians. Even in the Iraq war in 2003 one did everything - even though Germany did not send any own soldiers - to keep the war machine of the USA running. In this way, from the US military bases in Germany, it was possible to lead the war without disturbance. On January 24, 2003, the Red-Green government had, upon request by the US, reserved up to 4,200 members of the Federal Armed Forces for the guarding of the US bases. This mission is to last still until December 2005. At this point, still 500 German soldiers are in action. It is clear that this is solely a case of a voluntary and, moreover, anti-constitutional relief for the war against Iraq.
To the Red-Green balance sheet, there also belongs, however, the participation in the so-called operation “Enduring freedom” that was conducted after the terror attempts of September 11, 2001. On November 16, 2001, the Federal Parliament with the exception of the PDS fraction and four green deputies approved the use of German soldiers in support of the common reaction to the terror attacks in the US, in incorrect reference to Art 51 of the UN Charta and Art 5 of the NATO Treaty. This intervention implied the sending of troops and ships to the horn of Africa up to and including the deployment of war ships in the Mediterranean.
The most aggravating, however, is the Afghanistan mission, in which Germany, beginning on February 10, 2003, and the Netherlands, have figured as “lead nations” in Afghanistan. In the meantime, more than 2,200 Federal Army troops are in action. Meanwhile, NATO's Supreme Headquarter of the Allied Powers (SHAPE) in Mons/Belgium has taken over command. It is the first NATO deployment outside of the Euro Atlantic space. Germany supplies the essential part of this troop, and moreover, by way of the KSK, has, outside of the NATO structures, a force deployed in Afghanistan that, following press reports, participates in killing missions against supposed terrorists. After the elections in Germany on September 18, the troops were increased once more by 2,000 soldiers. If Red-Green continues to shade over into Red-Black, Germany can be supposed to increase its troop contingent to 3,000, also due to the increasing resistance at the Hindu Kush. In May 2006, the entire Afghanistan mission is to be taken over by the “NATO Response Force” (NRF), the fast intervention troop by NATO. The Federal Army also participates in this troop in a leading way. A partial intervention capability is to be available until October 15, 2006 and to be accepted at the next NATO summit in Colorado. The NRF headquarters is located in Rheindalem, Germany.
NRF- NATO Combat Troops for War
To the Red-Green federal government, the active participation of the Federal Republic was important to “be able to influence and participate in the shaping of the development of structures, procedures and concepts of the NATO Response Force in practice.” Thus, to the combat troops NRF 1 and 2 (October 2003 and July 2004), Germany had supplied naval and air combat troops in a total number of ca. 1,200 soldiers. In the combat troop NRF 3 (July to December 2004), Germany participated in a comparable input of forces including the participation of sanitary and support personnel. In the combat troop NRF 4 (January to July 2005), Germany together with the Netherlands registered the First German-Dutch corps. During this period, Germany supplied the largest part of the Army forces that in that particular case are commanded by the “Land Component Command”. The German contribution amounted, for instance, to about 5,000 soldiers including all necessary support personnel.
With around 2,000 soldiers, Germany will participate in the NRF 5. Moreover, Germany will also participate in the NRF 6-8 (2005/2006), and beyond that continuously supply air and naval forces. For the NRF 7 (second half of 2006), there is then envisaged again a contribution by German ground troops in the framework of the Euro corps. Full intervention readiness of the entire NRF is supposed to be reached with about 21,000 soldiers at the latest by October 2006. Germany will supply the main contingents for that. First manoeuvres of the NRF are supposed to take place in October in Germany and in June 2006 on Cap Verde. Upon inquiry, the future supreme commander, general lieutenant Charles-Henri Delcour in the beginning of September 2005 declared in the sub-committee for security and defence of the EU parliament (SEDE) that one had chosen Cap Verde, because it “was 5,000 km away”.
Further NATO military operations in which Germany participates in a leading manner are the KFOR mission in Kosovo and the Iraq military training mission that is being conducted since November 17, 2004. In the context of this mission, Germany trains Iraqi soldiers in the United Arabic Emirates. Among other things, a team of 30 persons has trained 122 members of the Iraqi security forces on territorially compatible trucks to become drivers and mechanics.
The participation in the NATO intervention forces and those of the EU are mutually compatible. Former defence minister Struck attributed a lot of importance to this statement: “By way of the NATO response forces, not only the capabilities of NATO, but also of the European security and defence policy will be strengthened. By the increased integration of the European partners, the military capabilities of the European are being developed further. At the same time, the NRF represents no competition to the intervention forces in the process of being built up. Rather both processes are to support each other mutually.”
Defence minister Struck also emphasised that in the “battle group” concept introduced jointly by Germany, France, and Great Britain and accepted in the EU, it is expressly taken into account that NATO Response Forces and Battle Groups are supposed to mutually supplement each other. In this way, the military intervention and war conduct capabilities improved by the NATO Response Force can also benefit the European Union and vice-versa.
Before this background, one should also see the German militarisation projects pushed ahead by Red-Green. In what follows, we want to point to four of them only, to make apparent the burning topicality of the whole development:
1. Armament Agency: Arming for War
There is, on the one hand, the so-called EDA - the “European Defence Agency”. The declared task of the EDA is the introduction of measures for “the development of common armament projects and to the strengthening of the European armament market.” It has begun its work in the beginning of 2005. Only recently, an altogether grand coalition composed of Greens and Social Democrats ranging up to the Conservatives and Nationalists in the Foreign Relations Committee of the EU Parliament agreed to the statement of Angelika Beer (Greens) in favour of promoting the European Armament Industry. From the ranks of the social democrats, there came proposals on how to make possible “a better intertwining of the procurement markets of the Union with those of the USA but also with those of countries such as the Ukraine.” From the conservative side, there was also demanded a market opening for “dual use” goods. As the referee for the statement “on the Green Book for the Acquisition of Defence Goods”, Angelika Beer organised the consensus ranging from the Greens to the Nationalists with the exception of the Left Fraction (GUE/NGL) for the promotion of the so-called European “defence goods market”. Angelika Beer then also wants to bring on its way the encouragement of the arms industry in order to build up the EU intervention troops and the EU Battle Troops.
The Treaty for the EU Constitution, which due to the referendums in France and in the Netherlands, has failed for the time being (until the Austrian Council presidency in the beginning of 2006), had wanted to put the EDA on a contractual basis. In this way, it would have become much more difficult for the EDA to also bundle the “activities in the arm's build-up” area in a legitimate way. The Federal Armed Forces, therefore, also quite openly confess their commitment to the main task of the EDA - the “improvement of the military capabilities of the European partners.”
The agency is principally open to all EU member states. At this point, 14 states belong to the “Defence Agency”. Of the “great Six” in the EDA, the substitute executive manager, Dr. Hilmar Linnenkamp, expects a reinforced cooperation in the European arms sector. Germany, Italy, France, Great Britain, Spain, and Sweden had already in the past testified to their interest to a strengthened common armament market. The agency also agrees its planning processes within NATO.
2. The Althea mission: The largest EU military intervention
On December 2, 2004, NATO ended its mission that had lasted for nine years in Bosnia- Herzegovina. Most soldiers of the stabilisation troop have not been withdrawn, however, but have simply received a new badge with “ALTHEA” or rather EUFOR written on it. These are the names of the military missions that the European Union conducts. It is the up to now largest military mission of the EU. It includes soldiers from 22 EU states and 11 additional countries. The code name of the EU operation “Althea” means “healing goddess”. Already the first combat mission of the EU in Congo, the operation “Artemis” had served itself of a commando code name from Greek mythology. But while Artemis, the Goddess of Hunting, came along in a relatively modest way (1,400 soldiers), the 3rd EU military intervention, the ALTHEA operation, will involve over 7,000 soldiers. The Federal Army participates with 1,300 soldiers overall. The German admiral Rainer Feist, until mid-September 2004 substitute head in command of the NATO in Europe (DSACEUR of SHAPE) and, at the same time, until 2005, also the military head of the EU mission had emphasised that the European Union, so to say, lends itself personnel and equipment from NATO, only the political responsibility would change. In the Sub-committee for Security and Defence of the European Parliament, he declared open-mindedly that for the re-conversion of a NATO headquarters into an EU one, all that was necessary was “letting an EU flag hang out of the window”. Only the US units in Tuzla were replaced by Finnish troops. To carry out its mission, the European Union uses resources of NATO, in this way, on the basis of the permanent agreements between EU and North Athlantic Pact (“Berlin plus agreement”), dual structures shall be avoided.
3. The Battle Groups - Groups for Slaughter
In the future, states of the EU are supposed to intervene militarily more quickly. On November 22, 2004, the defence ministers of the Union in Brussels agreed on the creation of 13 so-called Battle Groups, next to the already formed EU intervention forces of 60,000. These intervention groups (“battle groups”) have a size of 1,500 soldiers each that are to be available within a reaction period of 15 days. Already in the transition phase 2005 and 2005, the Federal Army will make resources available for the battle groups. Germany will participate in four battle groups:
- Together with the Netherlands, with the participation of Finland. The German-French brigade is the core of a further common Battle Group, in which Belgium, Luxemburg and Spain are supposed to participate.
- Moreover, one under Polish leadership in common with Latvian, Lithuanian, and Slovak participation, and one together with Austria and the Czech Republic.
In this way, Germany, in the context of the Battle Groups as well, enters into play with the militarily strongest participation.
4. Chief of staff structures for the military interventions
It is quite decisive that « in order to continue to improve the planning and leadership capacity of the EU”, the institution of independent command structures was driven ahead forcefully. For instance, there were agreed with NATO the creation of a centre of operation, of a civil-military cell in the military staff of the European Union (EUMS), of an EU cell at the military headquarters of NATO in Europe (SHAPE) as well as of connecting elements of NATO associated to the military staff of the European Union.
Practising for War
Precisely the Federal German participation in the NRF and the Battle Groups requires making available manoeuvre territory and training possibilities. Therefore, the Federal Army under SPD defence minister Struck also remained attached to the troop exercising place in the Kyritz- Ruppin heath land. The Federal Army itself justified it this way: “The spectrum of responsibility of the Federal Army has changed. International missions for conflict prevention, crisis management and in the struggle against international terrorism are the most likely scenarios. The Federal Army makes ready forces on call in the short term for the fast intervention troop by NATO (NRF) and for the crisis reaction forces of the European Union.” And: “Wittstock, due to its extension, is the only place in Germany, where the combat plane teams can train interventions under realistic conditions and in association with other troop divisions (for instance, air defence, electronic combat management or radar guidance).”
Conclusion
Germany, also by way of its quantitatively significant participation in the fast intervention troops by NATO and EU, drives forward the militarisation of international policy in a decisive way. Wars of intervention with EU or NATO mandate will belong to daily life in the future if the plans of the Federal government have their way. The whole security and military policy will be tuned to conducting them - from armament efforts up to the command requisite command centres.
Martin Hantke, political scientist, study of political science and Indian Regional Sciences in Berlin, Palermo and Benares, scientific collaborator in the office of Tobias Pflüger (MEP), works since 1999 in Berlin, Brussels, and Strasbourg as parliamentary assistant. Thematic emphases: EU Basic Rights Charta, EU Constitutional Treaty, EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy.
Tobias Pflüger, political scientist, executive member of the Information Point Militarisation (IMI) ass., member of the scientific advisory board of attac, since June 2004 member of the European Parliament without party affiliation, elected on the list of the PDS (today Left Party.PDS), there member of the Left Party GUE/NGL fraction, of the Foreign Relations Committee and the Subcommittee Security and Defence as well as of the delegation of parliament members to NATO, first substitute chairman of the Gulf state delegation and co-chairman of the Inter-parliamentary Group “Peace initiatives”.
E-mail: tpflueger@europarl.eu.int
Website: www.pds-europa.de
Translated by Carla Krüger, November 24, 2005
Article: 06/2005, in the journal Friedensforum
By Martin Hantke and Tobias Pflüger
“Following Art 87 Basic Law the Federation sets up troops for purposes of defence. Defence nowadays comprises more than the traditional defence at the country boarders against a conventional war”, it says in the Defence Political Guidelines of 2003. Precisely as far as the sending of German troops abroad and the participation in wars is concerned, the balance sheet of 7 years of Red-Green government is devastating. In the beginning of their term in office, Federal Chancellor Schröder and Foreign Minister Fisher provided for the German participation in the NATO war against Yugoslavia in violation of international law that killed more than 2000 Yugoslav civilians. Even in the Iraq war in 2003 one did everything - even though Germany did not send any own soldiers - to keep the war machine of the USA running. In this way, from the US military bases in Germany, it was possible to lead the war without disturbance. On January 24, 2003, the Red-Green government had, upon request by the US, reserved up to 4,200 members of the Federal Armed Forces for the guarding of the US bases. This mission is to last still until December 2005. At this point, still 500 German soldiers are in action. It is clear that this is solely a case of a voluntary and, moreover, anti-constitutional relief for the war against Iraq.
To the Red-Green balance sheet, there also belongs, however, the participation in the so-called operation “Enduring freedom” that was conducted after the terror attempts of September 11, 2001. On November 16, 2001, the Federal Parliament with the exception of the PDS fraction and four green deputies approved the use of German soldiers in support of the common reaction to the terror attacks in the US, in incorrect reference to Art 51 of the UN Charta and Art 5 of the NATO Treaty. This intervention implied the sending of troops and ships to the horn of Africa up to and including the deployment of war ships in the Mediterranean.
The most aggravating, however, is the Afghanistan mission, in which Germany, beginning on February 10, 2003, and the Netherlands, have figured as “lead nations” in Afghanistan. In the meantime, more than 2,200 Federal Army troops are in action. Meanwhile, NATO's Supreme Headquarter of the Allied Powers (SHAPE) in Mons/Belgium has taken over command. It is the first NATO deployment outside of the Euro Atlantic space. Germany supplies the essential part of this troop, and moreover, by way of the KSK, has, outside of the NATO structures, a force deployed in Afghanistan that, following press reports, participates in killing missions against supposed terrorists. After the elections in Germany on September 18, the troops were increased once more by 2,000 soldiers. If Red-Green continues to shade over into Red-Black, Germany can be supposed to increase its troop contingent to 3,000, also due to the increasing resistance at the Hindu Kush. In May 2006, the entire Afghanistan mission is to be taken over by the “NATO Response Force” (NRF), the fast intervention troop by NATO. The Federal Army also participates in this troop in a leading way. A partial intervention capability is to be available until October 15, 2006 and to be accepted at the next NATO summit in Colorado. The NRF headquarters is located in Rheindalem, Germany.
NRF- NATO Combat Troops for War
To the Red-Green federal government, the active participation of the Federal Republic was important to “be able to influence and participate in the shaping of the development of structures, procedures and concepts of the NATO Response Force in practice.” Thus, to the combat troops NRF 1 and 2 (October 2003 and July 2004), Germany had supplied naval and air combat troops in a total number of ca. 1,200 soldiers. In the combat troop NRF 3 (July to December 2004), Germany participated in a comparable input of forces including the participation of sanitary and support personnel. In the combat troop NRF 4 (January to July 2005), Germany together with the Netherlands registered the First German-Dutch corps. During this period, Germany supplied the largest part of the Army forces that in that particular case are commanded by the “Land Component Command”. The German contribution amounted, for instance, to about 5,000 soldiers including all necessary support personnel.
With around 2,000 soldiers, Germany will participate in the NRF 5. Moreover, Germany will also participate in the NRF 6-8 (2005/2006), and beyond that continuously supply air and naval forces. For the NRF 7 (second half of 2006), there is then envisaged again a contribution by German ground troops in the framework of the Euro corps. Full intervention readiness of the entire NRF is supposed to be reached with about 21,000 soldiers at the latest by October 2006. Germany will supply the main contingents for that. First manoeuvres of the NRF are supposed to take place in October in Germany and in June 2006 on Cap Verde. Upon inquiry, the future supreme commander, general lieutenant Charles-Henri Delcour in the beginning of September 2005 declared in the sub-committee for security and defence of the EU parliament (SEDE) that one had chosen Cap Verde, because it “was 5,000 km away”.
Further NATO military operations in which Germany participates in a leading manner are the KFOR mission in Kosovo and the Iraq military training mission that is being conducted since November 17, 2004. In the context of this mission, Germany trains Iraqi soldiers in the United Arabic Emirates. Among other things, a team of 30 persons has trained 122 members of the Iraqi security forces on territorially compatible trucks to become drivers and mechanics.
The participation in the NATO intervention forces and those of the EU are mutually compatible. Former defence minister Struck attributed a lot of importance to this statement: “By way of the NATO response forces, not only the capabilities of NATO, but also of the European security and defence policy will be strengthened. By the increased integration of the European partners, the military capabilities of the European are being developed further. At the same time, the NRF represents no competition to the intervention forces in the process of being built up. Rather both processes are to support each other mutually.”
Defence minister Struck also emphasised that in the “battle group” concept introduced jointly by Germany, France, and Great Britain and accepted in the EU, it is expressly taken into account that NATO Response Forces and Battle Groups are supposed to mutually supplement each other. In this way, the military intervention and war conduct capabilities improved by the NATO Response Force can also benefit the European Union and vice-versa.
Before this background, one should also see the German militarisation projects pushed ahead by Red-Green. In what follows, we want to point to four of them only, to make apparent the burning topicality of the whole development:
1. Armament Agency: Arming for War
There is, on the one hand, the so-called EDA - the “European Defence Agency”. The declared task of the EDA is the introduction of measures for “the development of common armament projects and to the strengthening of the European armament market.” It has begun its work in the beginning of 2005. Only recently, an altogether grand coalition composed of Greens and Social Democrats ranging up to the Conservatives and Nationalists in the Foreign Relations Committee of the EU Parliament agreed to the statement of Angelika Beer (Greens) in favour of promoting the European Armament Industry. From the ranks of the social democrats, there came proposals on how to make possible “a better intertwining of the procurement markets of the Union with those of the USA but also with those of countries such as the Ukraine.” From the conservative side, there was also demanded a market opening for “dual use” goods. As the referee for the statement “on the Green Book for the Acquisition of Defence Goods”, Angelika Beer organised the consensus ranging from the Greens to the Nationalists with the exception of the Left Fraction (GUE/NGL) for the promotion of the so-called European “defence goods market”. Angelika Beer then also wants to bring on its way the encouragement of the arms industry in order to build up the EU intervention troops and the EU Battle Troops.
The Treaty for the EU Constitution, which due to the referendums in France and in the Netherlands, has failed for the time being (until the Austrian Council presidency in the beginning of 2006), had wanted to put the EDA on a contractual basis. In this way, it would have become much more difficult for the EDA to also bundle the “activities in the arm's build-up” area in a legitimate way. The Federal Armed Forces, therefore, also quite openly confess their commitment to the main task of the EDA - the “improvement of the military capabilities of the European partners.”
The agency is principally open to all EU member states. At this point, 14 states belong to the “Defence Agency”. Of the “great Six” in the EDA, the substitute executive manager, Dr. Hilmar Linnenkamp, expects a reinforced cooperation in the European arms sector. Germany, Italy, France, Great Britain, Spain, and Sweden had already in the past testified to their interest to a strengthened common armament market. The agency also agrees its planning processes within NATO.
2. The Althea mission: The largest EU military intervention
On December 2, 2004, NATO ended its mission that had lasted for nine years in Bosnia- Herzegovina. Most soldiers of the stabilisation troop have not been withdrawn, however, but have simply received a new badge with “ALTHEA” or rather EUFOR written on it. These are the names of the military missions that the European Union conducts. It is the up to now largest military mission of the EU. It includes soldiers from 22 EU states and 11 additional countries. The code name of the EU operation “Althea” means “healing goddess”. Already the first combat mission of the EU in Congo, the operation “Artemis” had served itself of a commando code name from Greek mythology. But while Artemis, the Goddess of Hunting, came along in a relatively modest way (1,400 soldiers), the 3rd EU military intervention, the ALTHEA operation, will involve over 7,000 soldiers. The Federal Army participates with 1,300 soldiers overall. The German admiral Rainer Feist, until mid-September 2004 substitute head in command of the NATO in Europe (DSACEUR of SHAPE) and, at the same time, until 2005, also the military head of the EU mission had emphasised that the European Union, so to say, lends itself personnel and equipment from NATO, only the political responsibility would change. In the Sub-committee for Security and Defence of the European Parliament, he declared open-mindedly that for the re-conversion of a NATO headquarters into an EU one, all that was necessary was “letting an EU flag hang out of the window”. Only the US units in Tuzla were replaced by Finnish troops. To carry out its mission, the European Union uses resources of NATO, in this way, on the basis of the permanent agreements between EU and North Athlantic Pact (“Berlin plus agreement”), dual structures shall be avoided.
3. The Battle Groups - Groups for Slaughter
In the future, states of the EU are supposed to intervene militarily more quickly. On November 22, 2004, the defence ministers of the Union in Brussels agreed on the creation of 13 so-called Battle Groups, next to the already formed EU intervention forces of 60,000. These intervention groups (“battle groups”) have a size of 1,500 soldiers each that are to be available within a reaction period of 15 days. Already in the transition phase 2005 and 2005, the Federal Army will make resources available for the battle groups. Germany will participate in four battle groups:
- Together with the Netherlands, with the participation of Finland. The German-French brigade is the core of a further common Battle Group, in which Belgium, Luxemburg and Spain are supposed to participate.
- Moreover, one under Polish leadership in common with Latvian, Lithuanian, and Slovak participation, and one together with Austria and the Czech Republic.
In this way, Germany, in the context of the Battle Groups as well, enters into play with the militarily strongest participation.
4. Chief of staff structures for the military interventions
It is quite decisive that « in order to continue to improve the planning and leadership capacity of the EU”, the institution of independent command structures was driven ahead forcefully. For instance, there were agreed with NATO the creation of a centre of operation, of a civil-military cell in the military staff of the European Union (EUMS), of an EU cell at the military headquarters of NATO in Europe (SHAPE) as well as of connecting elements of NATO associated to the military staff of the European Union.
Practising for War
Precisely the Federal German participation in the NRF and the Battle Groups requires making available manoeuvre territory and training possibilities. Therefore, the Federal Army under SPD defence minister Struck also remained attached to the troop exercising place in the Kyritz- Ruppin heath land. The Federal Army itself justified it this way: “The spectrum of responsibility of the Federal Army has changed. International missions for conflict prevention, crisis management and in the struggle against international terrorism are the most likely scenarios. The Federal Army makes ready forces on call in the short term for the fast intervention troop by NATO (NRF) and for the crisis reaction forces of the European Union.” And: “Wittstock, due to its extension, is the only place in Germany, where the combat plane teams can train interventions under realistic conditions and in association with other troop divisions (for instance, air defence, electronic combat management or radar guidance).”
Conclusion
Germany, also by way of its quantitatively significant participation in the fast intervention troops by NATO and EU, drives forward the militarisation of international policy in a decisive way. Wars of intervention with EU or NATO mandate will belong to daily life in the future if the plans of the Federal government have their way. The whole security and military policy will be tuned to conducting them - from armament efforts up to the command requisite command centres.
Martin Hantke, political scientist, study of political science and Indian Regional Sciences in Berlin, Palermo and Benares, scientific collaborator in the office of Tobias Pflüger (MEP), works since 1999 in Berlin, Brussels, and Strasbourg as parliamentary assistant. Thematic emphases: EU Basic Rights Charta, EU Constitutional Treaty, EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy.
Tobias Pflüger, political scientist, executive member of the Information Point Militarisation (IMI) ass., member of the scientific advisory board of attac, since June 2004 member of the European Parliament without party affiliation, elected on the list of the PDS (today Left Party.PDS), there member of the Left Party GUE/NGL fraction, of the Foreign Relations Committee and the Subcommittee Security and Defence as well as of the delegation of parliament members to NATO, first substitute chairman of the Gulf state delegation and co-chairman of the Inter-parliamentary Group “Peace initiatives”.
E-mail: tpflueger@europarl.eu.int
Website: www.pds-europa.de
Translated by Carla Krüger, November 24, 2005
Tobias Pflüger - 2005/11/29 10:09
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